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Stockholm
Member
Posts: 25

I posted this one in the guestbook but put it up here as well for easier reading.

 

 

Fortnight, No. 211 (Dec. 17, 1984 - Jan. 20, 1985), p. 11

 

Sir, "Time is not on the side of either Dublin or Westminster. Generations are growing up in the North and South who know only the hope lessness of life on the dole and the attractions of violence.' These words from the Sunday Times editorial heralded the start of the latest Anglo Irish summit. Reflecting, as they do, the real power behind Thatcher, the British ruling class, they sound a word of warning for future British rule in Ireland. The dichotomy for the British centres around when to act to shore up capitalism in Ireland and how far to go.

 

Whether to move now to dismantle the 6-county state (by repartition) with all the risks that entails; or to wait and having waited too long, find a more revolution ary-conscious working class throughout Ireland which will not respond to sops and reforms as it might have done in 1968 or 1974. To even the most casual observer it is obvious that Britain is not as anxious for movement now as the Fitz Gerald-Barry-Hume axis, who see the need for stability in terms of their own long-term polit ical survival. The British government, who ap art from moments like the Brighton bombing, are one step removed from any of Irish' crisis, believe that a Dublin government under in creasing internal pressure can be more easily moulded to Whitehall's will and that they can afford to move slowly. Particularly in view of the miners' strike.

 

The search for a 'new solution' is seen as hampered by Unionist intransigence. Unpre pared to share power they claim they do not have, they feed John Hume's call for an inter national solution. The latest 'tender-to-sell' re presents a clear attempt by the Southern Nat ionalist ruling class to pre-empt any further rad icalisation of the working class by coming to terms now with Unionism inside the existing capitalist framework. Such collaboration is on ly the latest chapter in the negotiated betrayal of the Irish working class and is increasingly seen as that throughout the country. During the past 15 years the social and class dimensions of the national struggle have been redefined. Separatism from England is now widely viewed, particularly among younger ele ments, as the first step to Connolly's Republic, in which 'Socialism will mean the common ownership by the Irish people of the land and everything else necessary to feed, clothe, house and maintain life in Ireland.' The pleading of John Hume and Peter Barry to act now regard less of Unionist opposition and their intense promotion of the 'alienation' theory was as much a cry for help on the part of constitutional Nationalism as anything else. Their insistence that the necessary 'vision and intellect' absent in 1920 be applied now before it is too late underlines their anxieties about their own fut ure. While bemoaning the 'alienation' of Nor thern Nationalists, FitzGerald now presides over the crumbling social fabric of the Free State; clearly this summit offered little to avert the growing threat to the security of the Irish ruling class in the face of growing disaffection within the 26 counties. As the ruling class scrambles to reorganise and reassert itself, it comes as no surprise that Oliver Napier, in what was perhaps his last major speech as leader of the Alliance Party, attempted to reinforce the status quo within the 6 counties by claiming: 'The dividing line is no longer between Unionists and Nationalists. It is between those who support the democratic process and those out to destroy it.' This tactic of criminalising the opposition is of course no thing new. And despite the shallowness of offic ial communiques, a major feature of the Che quers summit centred around discussion on how to isolate and defeat the Republican anti imperialist struggle. Year after year, summit after summit, the ruling class have failed to realise that there can be no going back. The demands of the Civil Rights Movement in the 1960s were simply re formist in nature. The Catholic middle classes then sought nothing more than an accommod ation within the existing class structures. The rejection of those demands signalled the decay and disintegration of the 6-county state and with partition itself, and it unleashed the pot ential for revolutionary change throughout Ire land. The failure of constitutional Nationalism to redefine its analysis of the British presence, the 6- and 26-county states in light of this reject ion renders them incapable of ever leading the Irish working class.

 

Their abdication of that role is total, their weaknesses evident and their betrayal increasingly understood. At a time when the crisis within international capital is shedding jobs like an industrial revol ution in reverse, the relationship between the class and national questions has been rediscov ered. Socialism and class-based analysis cent red around the teaching of James Connolly are a thriving currency in ghettoes where summit rhetoric rarely penetrates. The pundits and an alysts should note that a growing Republican and revolutionary left is now a permanent feat ure in any future equation. And no amount of 'summitology' can alter that fact.

 

Yours, etc., JIMMY BROWN, IRSP remand prisoner, Crumlin Road jail,

 

May 12, 2010 at 10:42 AM Flag Quote & Reply

iplofallen
Site Owner
Posts: 110

Another interesting article Stockholm. It is amazing to see how much of the analysis Jimmy gave at this time came to pass.

May 13, 2010 at 8:25 AM Flag Quote & Reply

socialist95
Member
Posts: 59

seems jimmy had a good forsight and his foward thinking seemed to bear out now..

May 13, 2010 at 12:18 PM Flag Quote & Reply

Stockholm
Member
Posts: 25

Thanks for the response.

I will be putting up more writings from Jimmy Brown as well as other articles on the IPLO.

I am not a friend of computers so it takes time!

But I think it important to show people that the IPLO was not psychopatick drugdealer, but in fact a legit army with most likely the best brains of that generation.

May 14, 2010 at 11:37 AM Flag Quote & Reply

socialist95
Member
Posts: 59

Stockholm at May 14, 2010 at 11:37 AM

Thanks for the response.

I will be putting up more writings from Jimmy Brown as well as other articles on the IPLO.

I am not a friend of computers so it takes time!

But I think it important to show people that the IPLO was not psychopatick drugdealer, but in fact a legit army with most likely the best brains of that generation.

well put stockholm

May 14, 2010 at 4:28 PM Flag Quote & Reply

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